THE CONTROVERSY ON THE ORIGINS AND EARLY HISTORY OF THE HUNGARIANS
© Copyright HUNMAGYAR.ORG
Introduction
 I.
The traditional account of Hungarian origins and early history according to ancient and
medieval sources
II. The Finno-Ugrian theory
III. The Sumerian question
IV.
The Settlement of the Carpathian Basin and the Establishment of the Hungarian State by
Arpad's Magyars
Conclusion
Notes
Bibliography
INTRODUCTION
This study provides an overview of the principal theories about the origins and early history of the Hungarians, with the objective of determining a scientifically acceptable alternative orientation in a field which has been
dominated for the past 150 years by political and ideological interests. The purpose of
this study is therefore to outline a more objective perspective by examining the principal
research orientations regarding the origins and early history of the Hungarians. The
historical period in question covers the time span from the first Neolithic settlement of
the Carpathian Basin (5000 BC) to the Christianization of Hungary which began around 1000 AD.
What is it exactly that is being celebrated on the occasion of the 1100th anniversary
of Hungary's founding in 896 AD? Is it Árpád's "pagan" Hungary or king
István's (Stephen) Christian Hungary? Opinions differ greatly on this complex question.
In general, contemporary Hungarian historiography seems to be concentrating more on the
last 1000 years of Hungarian history from a predominantly Western point of view, thereby
artificially restricting Hungarian history and isolating it from its pre-Christian
historical and cultural roots which are often misrepresented or ignored. Hungarian history
needs to be reassessed in a broader and more balanced perspective.
The principal opposing views are, on the one hand, the traditional account of Hungarian
origins rooted in the pre-Christian era, which shows a remarkable degree of compatibility
with the Sumerian-Hungarian relationship demonstrated by international orientalist
research starting in the first half of the 19th c., and, on the other hand, the more
recent Finno-Ugrian theory which was essentially the product of foreign regimes in
Hungary: Habsburg in the 19th c., and communist in the 20th c. The traditional account of
Hungarian origins states that the Magyars and the Huns were identical and traces their
roots back to Ancient Mesopotamia. Sumerian-Hungarian ethno-linguistic research seems to
confirm this. The Finno-Ugrian theory has sought to contradict the traditional account of
Hungarian origins and the Sumerian-Hungarian relationship through a seemingly scientific
linguistic approach. However, a more careful analysis of the facts reveals that the
methodology of the Finno-Ugrian school is unscientific and that the motives of the
Finno-Ugrian theory's promoters are political and ideological: their objective has been to
weaken the Hungarian national identity by instilling a collective inferiority complex in
order to weaken national resistance and to consolidate foreign rule in Hungary. The
current "mainstream" Hungarian historiography adheres to the Finno-Ugrian
orientation, promoting the view that the Hungarians were "primitive Asiatic
latecomers and intruders" in the more "civilized" Europe. This official
historical interpretation is therefore characterized by a dogmatic state of denial which
deliberately ignores or dismisses the ancient Turanian origins of the Hungarians, the
Sumerian-Scythian-Hun-Avar-Magyar identity and continuity, and the fundamental cultural,
political and military Hungarian achievements of the millenia prior to 1000 AD which laid
the foundations of the Hungarian state.
I.
THE TRADITIONAL ACCOUNT OF HUNGARIAN ORIGINS AND EARLY HISTORY ACCORDING TO ANCIENT AND
MEDIEVAL SOURCES
The medieval Hungarian sources refer to the story of the Biblical Nimrod, son of Kush,
and Eneth, whose two sons, Hunor and Magor, led the Huns and the Magyars from the regions
neighbouring Persia to the land known as Scythia - a designation generally given to the
region stretching from the Carpathians into Central Asia (1). From Scythia, first the Huns
(5th c. AD), then Árpád's Magyars (895-896 AD) established themselves in the Carpathian
Basin. It is also stated in these sources that Árpád was a descendent of Atilla, and
that therefore, under Árpád's leadership, the Magyars reconquered Hungary as their
rightful inheritance from their Hun forebears (2).
The contemporary Persian, Armenian, Arab, Greek, Russian and Western sources generally
concur with the Caucasian-Caspian origin of the Magyars and with the
Scythian-Hun-Avar-Magyar identity (3). It is also interesting to note that although the
Byzantine sources generally referred to the Magyars as "Turks" (Turkoi), they
also mention that by their own account, the Magyars' previously known name which they used
themselves was, in Greek translation, "Sabartoi asphaloi" (4). This is extremely
important because this name refers to the Sabir people, also known as the Subareans, who
inhabited the land known by the Babylonians and Assyrians as Subartu which was situated in
the Transcaucasian-Northern Mesopotamian-Western Iranian region (5). By their own account,
the Sumerians of Southern Mesopotamia also came from this region which they referred to as
Subir-Ki (6).
The Hun-Magyar relationship is also referred to in the recently published Hungarian
translation of a Turkish version of the history of Hungary, (Tarihi Üngürüsz), based on
an earlier Latin text lost during the Turkish wars (16th-17th c.). This source also
mentions that when the Huns and the Magyars arrived in Hungary, they both found peoples
already settled there who spoke the same language as themselves, thus lending support to
the Hun-Magyar identity and extending the continuity of the Hungarian people in the
Carpathian Basin further back in time (7).
The traditional account of Hungarian origins and early history was generally accepted
until the middle of the 19th c. However, since then, the credibility of this account has
been questioned. It was argued that the ancient and medieval sources did not stand up to
modern "scientific method and evidence". Nevertheless, it should be taken into
consideration that the medieval Hungarian chronicles were most likely based upon earlier
sources which have been destroyed or lost during the forced Christianization of Hungary
and during the subsequent foreign invasions, and that the stories told in the original
sources, like many historical myths and legends transmitted by folklore, are often based
on real historical facts.(Back)
II. THE FINNO-UGRIAN THEORY
The Finno-Ugrian theory's origins can be traced back to a book published in 1770 by a
Hungarian Jesuit, János Sajnovics, in which he claimed that the Hungarian language is
identical to that of the Lapps (8). This work had no immediate significant impact in
Hungary, but it was followed up by mainly German linguists, among whom August von
Schlözer played the leading role in the development of the Finno-Ugrian linguistic school
(9). This school had a determining influence on the development of linguistic research in
Hungary during the second half of the 19th c., where linguists of German origin also
played a leading role (10). At that time, Hungary was ruled by the Habsburgs, and German
influence was very strong in the political, economic, social, and cultural fields.
It is also important to note that the 19th c. saw the rise of modern nationalism
throughout Europe, and that German nationalism was among the most chauvinistic. It was in
this context that the idea of a superior Aryan race was conceived. Although the term
"Aryan race" is no longer considered politically correct and has been replaced
by the more scientifically-sounding "Indo-European" term, the fundamental
assumption of this ethno-linguistic group's cultural pre-eminence is still being
maintained today (11). Just as the proponents of this theory sought to prove their claims
of Indo-European (Aryan) cultural superiority, they also sought to prove that, conversely,
non-Indo-Europeans were culturally inferior. The Finno-Ugrian theory was therefore
promoted in this ideologically biased context (12).
Following the defeat of the Hungarian War of Independence of 1848-49, the repressive
Habsburg regime took over the Hungarian academic institutions and imposed the exclusive
research orientation of the Finno-Ugrian theory about the origin of the Hungarians (13).
Thus, the Hungarian Academy of Sciences became an instrument of the Habsburg regime's
cultural policy of Germanization, which sought to weaken the Hungarian national identity -
thereby facilitating foreign domination - through the distortion and falsification of
information relating to the origin, history, culture, and language of the Hungarians,
censoring and prohibiting any publication or research which did not conform to the
officially imposed Finno-Ugrian theory. This was also the case under the Hungarian
Communist regime which also pursued an anti-Hungarian policy with the objective of
Russification. It was therefore in the interest of these regimes to "let the
conquered Hungarians believe that they have an ancestry more primitive than that of the
Indo-European peoples. In Habsburg times Hungarian children were taught that most of their
civilization came from the Germans: today they are taught that their 'barbaric' ancestors
were civilized by the educated Slavs" (14).
The Finno-Ugrian theory proved to be most suitable for this purpose. This theory claims
that the Hungarians originated from primitive Siberian hunter-gatherer nomads who wandered
Westward and who acquired a higher culture upon coming into contact with Indo-Europeans
and other peoples (15). This theory has been increasingly brought under criticism by
dissident and exiled Hungarian researchers because of its negative portrayal of the
Hungarians in relation to their neighbours, because of the historical and political
circumstances under which this theory has been imposed and perpetuated, and because this
theory fails to take into consideration a substantial amount of scientific data which
contradicts it (16). It should also be noted that according to the scientific review
"Nature" (20/02/92), the quality of the research conducted at the Hungarian
Academy of Sciences is rather poor, and this also seems to apply to the Finno-Ugrian
research orientation.
The Finno-Ugrian theory is based on the hypothetical family-tree model and chronology
of the Indo-European ethno-linguistic group's evolution (17). The family-tree model
assumes that the members of a defined ethno-linguistic group originated from a common
ancestral people which spoke a common ancestral language and lived in a common ancestral
homeland from which various groups migrated to form the distinct branches of an
ethno-linguistic family. Thus, the Finno-Ugrian theory states that the Finno-Ugrian group
separated from the ancestral Uralic group between 5000 and 4000 BC; between 3000 and 2000
BC the Finnic and Ugrian branches separated, and around 1000 BC the
"proto-Hungarians" separated from the "Ob-Ugrians" and migrated
Westward (18). However, the validity of this monolithic family-tree model has been
increasingly questioned by several researchers, including some Indo-European scholars
(19).
Although this hypothetical process was supposed to have taken place in the Ural region,
the exact location of the various "ancestral homelands" occupied by the various
branches and the chronology of these events are still subject to various interpretations
as there is no unanimous agreement among Finno-Ugrian scholars themselves (20). The
significant degree of uncertainty and confusion which still exists within this field of
research is due to the fact that the Finno-Ugrian theory is essentially based on
linguistic speculation which is not supported by any conclusive archeological,
anthropological and historical evidence (21). In fact, most of the available evidence
seems to contradict the Finno-Ugrian theory, and furthermore, serious reservations have
been raised concerning some of its linguistic arguments (22). Several researchers have
also pointed out that the Finno-Ugrian theory contains serious methodological
inconsistencies and errors, that the term "Finno-Ugrian" itself is arbitrary and
unscientific, and that the inclusion of Hungarian in the Uralic group is artificial and
without adequate scientific basis (23).
It is not the apparent linguistic similarities between the Hungarian and the Uralic
languages which are in question, but the nature and degree of the relationship between the
two groups. The Finno-Ugrian theory's assumption that the Hungarians are directly
descended from the "Finno-Ugrians" and that the Uralic peoples are the only
ethno-linguistic relatives of the Hungarians seems to be fundamentally flawed: a specific
linguistic relationship does not necessarily correspond to a genetic relationship, nor can
it exclude relationships with other ethnic groups. The Finno-Ugrian theory rejects the
possibility that the Uralic group may somehow be related to other ethno-linguistic groups
such as the Altaic group (24), perhaps partly because the first major challenge to the
Finno-Ugrian theory came from advocates of the theory that the Hungarians were of Turkic
origin, based on the numerous and significant observable linguistic, cultural and
anthropological similarities between the Hungarian and Turkic peoples, as well as on
historical evidence (25).
In fact, comparative linguistic analysis has shown that there are many similarities
between Hungarian and several other major Eurasian ethno-linguistic groups, and although
the Finno-Ugrian theory claims that these similarities are the results of borrowings on
the part of the Hungarians (26), it nevertheless appears that the Finno-Ugrian theory
requires a fundamental revision concerning the relationship between the Hungarians and the
Uralic group, as well as their relationship to other ethno-linguistic groups. An
alternative explanation for the existing linguistic relationship between Hungarian and
other languages, including the Uralic and Altaic languages, is provided by the Sumerian
ethno-linguistic and cultural diffusion theory, according to which the Eurasian
ethno-linguistic groups were formed under the dominant cultural and linguistic influence
of the Sumerian-related peoples originating from the Near East and which have
progressively spread throughout Eurasia during several millenia since the Neolithic period
(5000 BC). (Back)
III. THE SUMERIAN QUESTION
After British, French and German archeologists and linguists discovered and deciphered
the oldest known written records in Mesopotamia and its neighbouring regions during the
first half of the 19th c., they came to the conclusion that the language of those ancient
inscriptions was neither Indo-European nor Semitic, but an agglutinative language which
demonstrated significant similarities with the group of agglutinative languages known at
the time as the Turanian ethno-linguistic group which included Hungarian, Turkic,
Mongolian and Finnic (later referred to as the Ural-Altaic group) (27).
The recognition and acceptance of the Sumerian-Turanian ethno-linguistic relationship
grew significantly in international orientalist circles until the 1870's (28). However,
two factors hampered the further progress of research in this field. First, in Hungary, as
a result of the imposition of the Finno-Ugrian theory as official doctrine following the
1848-49 War of Independence, all research concerning the Sumerian question was discouraged
and this official attitude still prevails today in Hungary (29).
The second factor which had a considerable impact on the international level was the
promotion of the theory that the Sumerians had never existed and that their language was
invented by the Semitic priests of Babylonia as a means of secret communication (30). This
theory was devised by J. Halevy, a rabbi from Bucharest who had obtained a position at the
Sorbonne. This radical theory, despite its numerous flaws and obvious ideological motive,
had a divisive effect among orientalists and broke the momentum gained by the advocates of
the Sumerian-Turanian relationship. Since then, the Sumerian question seems to have been
relegated to a minor status and passed under silence, the Sumerians having been generally
dismissed as an isolated ethno-linguistic group of unknown origin having no known
affinities with modern ethno-linguistic groups (31).
The silence was broken after WWII by Hungarian expatriates in the West who rediscovered
the Sumerian question as they were able to gain access to the original Western sources of
documentation on the Sumerians. These Hungarian researchers accumulated a considerable
amount of evidence in support of the theory that the Sumerian and Hungarian languages are
related. The reaction from official academic circles in Communist Hungary was that of
categorical dismissal and discrediting of the Hungarian expatriate researchers, claiming
that they were not competent in the field of Sumerology and that they were ideologically
motivated. However, to this day, no conclusive evidence has been provided by official
Hungarian academic circles to prove their claims regarding the Sumerian question and the
origin of the Hungarians, as they simply refuse to examine the question in an open,
rational and scientific manner. This attitude seems to be ideologically motivated (32).
The principal arguments against the Sumerian-Hungarian relationship appear to be
unfounded: first, the apparent ambiguity arising from the polyphonic and polysemantic
character of Mesopotamian cuneiform written symbols, which would render uncertain the
decipherment of the ancient texts and the identification of their language. This apparent
confusion is the result of the fact that the Semitic peoples which settled in Sumerian
Mesopotamia (from 2340 BC) adopted the Sumerian writing system, but re-assigned new
phonetic and semantic values to the Sumerian cuneiform characters (33). This was clearly
shown by the multilingual inscriptions which included syllabaries and dictionaries
explaining the Sumerian and Semitic phonetic and semantic values of the characters (34).
Also, the intermingling of the Sumerian and Semitic populations of Mesopotamia was
reflected in the evolution of the Sumerian language (35). However, it would be misleading
to compare the resultant hybridized Mesopotamian dialects to the Hungarian language since
this would apparently weaken the Sumerian-Hungarian linguistic correlation. Thus, it
should be taken into account that the Sumerians had existed in Mesopotamia for several
thousand years prior to the arrival of the Semitic peoples, and that during this period,
several regional dialects had evolved (36). Another factor which should be considered by
linguists is the fact that the Hungarian language has been somewhat modified since the
19th c., and that as a result, some of the more archaic forms of Hungarian which have
shown a definite relationship to Sumerian are no longer used in modern Hungarian. It seems
therefore that in order to obtain more accurate results in comparative Hungarian-Sumerian
linguistic analysis, it is the most archaic forms of these two languages which should be
compared.
The principal results of the research conducted so far on the Sumerian-Hungarian
relationship have indicated that these languages have over a thousand common word roots
and a very similar grammatical structure (37). In his Sumerian Etymological Dictionary and
Comparative Grammar, Kálmán Gosztony, professor of Sumerian philology at the Sorbonne,
demonstrated that the grammatical structure of the Hungarian language is the closest to
that of the Sumerian language: out of the 53 characteristics of Sumerian grammar, there
are 51 matching characteristics in the Hungarian language, 29 in the Turkic languages, 24
in the Caucasian languages, 21 in the Uralic languages, 5 in the Semitic languages, and 4
in the Indo-European languages.
The linguistic similarities between Sumerian, Hungarian and other languages are
corroborated by the archeological and anthropological data discovered so far. These
archeological finds indicate that the Sumerians were the first settlers of Southern
Mesopotamia (5000 BC), where they had come from the mountainous regions to the North and
East with their knowledge of agriculture and metallurgy, and where they built the first
cities. Increased food production through the use of irrigation allowed an unprecedented
population increase, resulting in successive migratory waves which can be traced
archeologically and anthropologically throughout Eurasia and North Africa (38). Thus, from
the evidence left by this process of colonization, it appears that the Sumerian
city-states were able to exert a preponderant economic, cultural, linguistic and ethnic
influence during several thousand years not only in Mesopotamia and the rest of the Near
East, but also beyond, in the Mediterranean Basin, in the Danubian Basin, in the regions
North of the Caucasus and of the Black Sea, in the Caspian-Aral, Volga-Ural, and Altai
regions, as well as in Iran and India. It seems therefore that the Sumerians and their
civilization had a determining influence not only on later Near-Eastern civilizations, but
also on the Mediterranean, Indian, and even Chinese civilizations, as well as on the
formation of the various Eurasian ethno-linguistic groups (39).
One of the most comprehensive studies examining this complex question is László
Götz's 5-volume 1100-page research work entitled "Keleten Kél a Nap" (The Sun
rises in the East), for which the author consulted over 500 bibliographical sources from
among the most authoritative experts in the fields of ancient history, archeology, and
linguistics. In his wide-ranging study, László Götz examined the development of the
Sumerian civilization, the determining cultural and ethno-linguistic influence of the
Near-Eastern Neolithic, Copper and Bronze Age civilizations upon the cultural development
of Western Eurasia, and the linguistic parallels between the Indo-European, Semitic and
Sumerian languages indicating that the Sumerian language had a considerable impact on the
development of the Indo-European and Semitic languages which have numerous words of
Sumerian origin. László Götz also examined the fundamental methodological shortcomings
of Indo-European and Finno-Ugrian ethno-linguistic research. His conclusion is that most
Eurasian ethno-linguistic groups are related to one another in varying degrees, and that
these groups, such as the Indo-European, Uralic and Altaic groups, were formed in a
complex process of multiple ethno-linguistic hybridization in which Sumerian-related
peoples (Subareans, Hurrians, Kassites, Elamites, Chaldeans, Medes, Parthians) played a
fundamental role. Other researchers seem to have come to similar conclusions:
"The Indo-Europeanization of Europe did not mean total destruction of the previous
cultural achievement but consistedin an amalgamation (hybridization) of racial and
cultural phenomena. Linguistically, the process may (and must) be regarded in a similar
way: the Indo-Europeans imposed an idiom which itself then adopted certain elements from
the autochtonous languages spoken previously. These non-Indo-European (pre-I-E) elements
are numerous in Greek, Latin, and arguably, Thracian... the Thracians were highly
conservative in their idea of urbanism; their language reflects this reality in terms
(words, place-names) the origin of which can be traced back to the idioms spoken in the
Neolithic (pre-I-E) times... The Romanian name for Transylvania, Ardeal, is one of the
clearest pre-I-E relics... place-names are of great importance in the reconstruction of
vanished civilizations and it is almost inevitable that the identifiable pre-I-E elements
come down from the Neolithic times: the dawn of the European civilization... the terms
implying complex societies are of pre-Indo-European origin." (40)
Thus, it appears that the ancient pre-Indo-European peoples which settled in Europe
were, for the most part, of Sumerian-related Near Eastern origins, and were later
designated as the pre-Hellenic Aegean peoples, the Thracians, the Dacians, the Illyrians,
the Etruscans, the Iberians, the Cimmerians and the Sarmatians. These peoples laid the
foundations of European civilization and later intermingled with various other peoples to
form the ethnic groups which are currently referred to as "Indo-European". There
are, however, certain ethno-linguistic groups which have withstood this process of
"Indo-Europeanization", and which have therefore preserved their
non-Indo-European identity, such as the Basques, the Finnic peoples, and the Carpathian
basin's indigenous population (the Neolithic, Copper and Bronze Age settlers) (41). The
archeological and anthropological finds of the Carpathian Basin indicate that this
indigenous population was related to, and at least in part originated from the ancient
pre-Semitic Near-Eastern cultures (42). The same seems to apply to the Scythian, Hun,
Avar, Magyar, Khazar (Sabir), Bulgar, Cuman and Petcheneg peoples of Eastern Europe and
Central Asia which settled in Central Europe, including the Carpathian Basin.(Back)
IV.
THE MAGYAR CONQUEST OF THE CARPATHIAN BASIN AND THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE HUNGARIAN STATE
BY ÁRPÁD
The different views of the facts relating to the Magyar conquest and settlement of the
Carpathian Basin and to the foundation of the Hungarian state are highly polarized between
non-Hungarians and Hungarians, as well as among Hungarians themselves. The opposing views
manifest themselves around the questions of the cultural level of the Magyar tribes, the
circumstances of their arrival in the Carpathian Basin, the ethnic identity of the
previously settled inhabitants of that region, and the role of Western political and
religious influence in the formation of the Hungarian state.
Whereas the mainstream claims that the Magyar tribes were "primitive Asiatic
barbarians" swept Westward by a great migratory wave and which were forced to settle
in the Carpathian Basin as their "plundering raids" against the West were halted
by "superior force", following which their cultural level was "somewhat
raised" by the "beneficial influence" of "European civilization",
the opposing traditionalist view holds that the Magyars had in fact a highly developed
material and spiritual culture, and a well organized society, that their settlement of the
Carpathian Basin was a skillfully planned and executed military and political undertaking,
that their military campaigns against the West had a well defined strategic objective, and
that the West did not have the political-ideological cohesion necessary to destroy the
Hungarians.
Another contentious issue is that of the ethnic identity of the populations which
inhabited the Carpathian Basin at the time of the Magyar Conquest. One side claims that
this region was already inhabited by Slavic, "Daco-Roman", Germanic and other
non-Hungarian peoples which were oppressed by the "invading" Magyars. The
opposing view argues that the majority of the population already established in the
Carpathian Basin was in fact ethnically related to the Magyars, and that today's
Hungarians are an amalgamation of these peoples whose settlement of the Carpathian Basin
preceded that of the non-Hungarian ethnic groups currently settled there.
An increasingly divisive issue among Hungarians is that of the role of Western
political and religious influence in the formation of the Hungarian state. One side claims
that the adoption of the European feudal political system and of Western Christianism
resulting in Hungary's integration to the West was of "great cultural benefit"
and represented a "higher level of civilization" compared to the previous tribal
federation of the "pagan" Magyars. The opposing view holds that the forced
integration to the West had highly detrimental consequences for Hungary, and that the
imposition of Christianism and of the feudal system served foreign interests hostile to
Hungary. This view also holds that Árpád was the founder of the Hungarian state, and not
king István who is seen as the instrument of a foreign-backed coup which led to a radical
change in the political and ideological orientation of Hungary.
The conflicting interpretations of the events leading up to and following the Magyar
settlement of the Carpathian Basin in 895-896 AD indicate the necessity of re-examining
the established official version. The generally propagated version of the events
surrounding the Magyar settlement states that after having been subjects of the Khazar
empire, the Magyar tribes were forced to flee Westward due to their defeat by the
advancing Petchenegs (43), thus arriving in the Carpathian Basin where they subjugated the
already established populations which were supposedly Indo-European (44). After the
conquest, the Magyar tribes conducted raids against Western Europe which were stopped as a
result of their defeat by the Germans in 955, following which the Magyars remained in
Hungary and were converted to Western Christianism.
This version of events has been propagated by the official Hungarian historiography
under foreign regimes - Habsburg and communist - as well as by the anti-Hungarian
propaganda of the late 19th and early 20th c. disseminated by Hungary's neighbours. The
resulting highly distorted image of the Hungarians is the product of the traditional
Eurocentric bias which considers everything of Asiatic origin to be primitive and
barbarian in comparison to what is referred to as "Western Civilization", and of
the retro-projection of the current ethnic composition of the Carpathian Basin and of
Hungary's current political status as a relatively small and weak country back to the
period of the Hungarian settlement.
In his book entitled "Dentumagyaria", Viktor Padányi expertly exposed these
prejudices and biases inherent in Western historiography which seem to have had a dominant
influence on modern Hungarian historiography as well. An unbiased re-evaluation of the
historical evidence seems to suggest quite a different picture. In the centuries
preceeding their settlement of the Carpathian Basin, the Magyars inhabited the regions
North of the Caucasus and of the Black Sea, but they were not subjects of the Khazar
empire which collapsed as a result of internal religious strife (9th c. AD), following
which some rebel tribes joined the Magyars (45). At that time the Petchenegs moved
Westward and raided some Eastern Magyar outposts in Etelköz, the region between the
Carpathians and the Don river, but this was not the reason for the Magyars' move Westward
(46). Based on the known evidence, it seems that the Magyars had been planning to occupy
the Carpathian Basin independently of the Petcheneg raids which had no significant impact
on the subsequent events.
In Etelköz, the Magyars and other Hunnic tribes formed a tribal federation under the
leadership of the Magyar tribe. This was sealed by the Covenant of Blood which declared
that:
- the rulers of the tribal federation will be chosen from the leading clan of the
Magyar tribe;
- all goods acquired by common effort will be shared;
- all clan leaders have the right to freely elect the ruler and to be included in the
ruler's council;
- those who transgress their loyalty to the ruler or who create discord within the
ruling clan will be punished by death;
- the ruler which breaks this covenant will be forever banished (47).
This covenant created the Magyar nation and it was in effect a constitution which
provided for a democratic order and for the safeguarding of the nation's interests from
internal and external threats (48).
It was also from Etelköz that the Magyar tribal federation successfully executed the
conquest of the Carpathian Basin in a series of carefully planned diplomatic and military
maneuvres. The objective of these maneuvres was to expel the powers which had occupied the
Carpathian Basin following the collapse of the Avar empire (ca. 800 AD) - namely the
Bulgars from the Southeast, and the Frankish empire from the West - and to secure the
region from further external threats (49). With the successful completion of the
settlement of the Carpathian Basin, Árpád and the other Magyar leaders held their first
assembly at Pusztaszer, thus effectively establishing the Hungarian state on a firm
constitutional basis (50).
It is important to realize the great significance and strong link between these
successive events: the Covenant of Blood of Etelköz, the Conquest and Settlement of the
Carpathian Basin, the First Constitutional Assembly of Pusztaszer, and the military
campaigns in Europe following the settlement. These acts laid the foundation for a Hungary
which was internally stable and externally secure in its status as a major power. These
events should also be considered in the context of the Hun-Magyar identity and continuity:
in such a perspective the Magyars, who were geographically, politically, and culturally a
constituent element of the Hun and Avar Empires of the 4th-8th centuries, effectively
re-established these state-formations within the Carpathian Basin. Thus the origins of the
Hungarian state reach back over 1500 years to the Hun Empire which established its centre
of power in the Carpathian Basin in the 5th c. and which thereby realized the first
political unification of that region. The concept of this Hun legacy was an integral part
of the foundation of the Hungarian state by the Magyar Conquest of 895-896.
At the time of the Magyar settlement, the bulk of the Carpathian Basin's population was
made up by the remaining Avars, Huns, and other previously settled non-Indo-European
peoples (51). The archeological and anthropological data shows that beneath the apparent
constant discontinuity due to foreign invasions, there seems to be a fundamental
similarity and continuity of non-Indo-European peoples in the Carpathian Basin going back
to the Neolithic period (52). Gyula László also pointed out the Avar-Magyar ethnic
continuity in his book "Kettös honfoglalás", in which he referred to the
anthropological evidence indicating that there was a considerable Avar population in the
Carpathian Basin at the time of the Magyar settlement, and that the Avars and the Magyars
were anthropologically identical. Taking this into consideration with the accounts of
contemporary Byzantine documents according to which the Avars spoke the same language as
the Huns (53), the Hun-Avar-Magyar ethno-linguistic identity seems highly probable.
Having secured the Carpathian Basin, the Magyars had to face two major powers which
represented a threat: the Germans, and to a lesser extent, Byzantium. The Magyars
concentrated mainly on preventing the formation of a united and powerful German empire by
supporting those smaller powers which were opposed to the centralizing German imperial
ambitions and by retaliating against those which yielded to it, thus creating a balance of
power in Europe (54). A secondary objective of these military operations was the recovery
of the Avar treasures which had been taken by Charlemagne's armies during their campaigns
against the Avars (55). Most of these military operations were successful until the
serious setback in 955 in Bavaria, a setback where the Magyars were not defeated in battle
but were slaughtered by the Germans after having laid down their weapons believing in the
German peace offer (56). Although Western and official Hungarian historiography generally
tend to attach great importance to this event, its significance seems to have been
exaggerated, as it did not destroy Hungary's major power status, nor did it stop the
Hungarian military strikes (this is closely paralleled by the assertion that Atilla was
defeated at the Catalaunic fields in 451, even though the following year he was able to
reach Rome with his armies). The Hungarian military strikes did stop eventually, but for
other reasons. It seems that the Germans gave up the idea of conquering Hungary by direct
military means as Hungary was too strong for this at the time, and it appears that other
means were used.
The political and ideological orientation of the Hungarian leader at that time, Géza
(late 10th c.), seems to have been decisively influenced by interdynastic marriages, as a
result of which Géza and his son Vajk (later István) took or were given foreign wives
who then used their position to promote foreign political and ideological interests in
Hungary (57). Contemporary accounts state that Géza effectively relinquished his
authority to his foreign wife and allowed his son Vajk to be brought up in the Western
Christian faith (58).
When 10 000 German soldiers were sent to Hungary with the aim of installing István as
the new ruler of Hungary, it wasn't surprising that this did not meet with everyone's
approval. István needed foreign backing for his takeover bid as he lacked sufficient
domestic support for his claim to power. The traditional Hungarian custom granted the
right of succession to the most senior able-bodied member of the ruling dynasty, and in
this case, Koppány, Istvan's cousin, was the designated rightful heir (59). The
traditionalist Hungarian forces led by Koppány were opposed to István's accession to
power and to his plans to Christianize the country, as they justifiably saw in him the
manipulative work of foreign interests which sought to disguise their objective of
political takeover of Hungary with the propagation of their Western Christian faith (it
was standard practice at the time to use religion as a hegemonistic political instrument).
The subsequent events largely confirmed this, as foreign influence was able to create and
exploit a rift within the ruling Hungarian dynasty. As a result, the Hungarian court
became replete with foreign advisors who wielded considerable power and represented
foreign interests (60). Thus, István's breaking of ancient Hungarian tradition and of the
Covenant of Blood with foreign collaboration seems to have been a fundamental cause of the
deep and long-lasting internal divisions and strife among Hungarians and of their
subjugation to foreign interests which have lasted to the present day (61).
The issue of the conversion of Hungary to the Western Christian faith is a highly
controversial one as it was accom-plished by force against the will of the people and with
the destruction of ancient Hungarian culture, including the Hungarian religion and runic
scripts - thus causing incalculable and irre-parable cultural losses (62). It has often
been argued that the Christianization of Hungary and its integration to the West were not
only of great cultural benefit to the Hungarians, but that they could not have survived
otherwise (63). These ideologically moti-vated claims seem unfounded when confronted with
the known facts. It is not without reason that the European Middle Ages are referred to as
the dark ages. This term refers to the general cultural state of Europe after the fall of
the Roman empire: decaying infrastruc-ture and economy, political and legal anarchy, poor
living standard of the general population (lack of adequate shelter, food, clothing,
health, hygene, education and personal security). It was in this context that the Church
of Rome became a powerful factor with its own ambitions of absolute spiritual, cultural
and political control and supremacy over the then known world.
In contrast to the general cultural state of Europe at the time of the Hungarian
settlement, the archeological data and written historical sources indicate that the
Hungarians had a considerably more developed culture (64): they were quite familiar with
agriculture even before settling in the Carpathian Basin where they were capable of
establishing a state 1100 years ago. The Hungarians had their own writing system, the
runic script, and a rich cultural life with their own religion which wasn't some form of
primitive shamanism, but the Magian religion in which all the forces of nature, the
various elements, and the heavenly bodies were worshipped as manifestations of a single
creative force (65) -in essence monotheism, but without the intolerant, exclusive,
dogmatic and irrational character of the other Near-Eastern religions. At that time,
Hungarian society was more tolerant and free than its feudal Christian European
counterpart (66). This tolerance was manifested towards other religions and by the lack of
any form of racial, linguistic, or cultural discrimination as the concept of Hungarian
nationality was not exclusive but open to individuals and tribes regardless of ethnic
origin, and there was no forced assimilation. All members of the Hungarian nation enjoyed
equal rights under a tribal system which was more democratic than the feudal system of
Western Europe (67). Hungarian craftsmanship in all types of materials was remarkably more
advanced from a technical and artistic point of view, just as Hungarian horsemanship,
weaponry and military tactics were more than a match for the Europeans (68). Hungarian
medical knowledge and personal hygene were also more developed than those of Medieval
Europe (69), and the social behaviour and moral standards (code of honor) were also
considerably different (70).
It is difficult to imagine what benefit Hungary could have possibly derived at that
time from the conversion to Western Christianity and from the adoption of the European
feudal system. An unbiased consideration of the facts leads to the conclusion that the
drastic changes imposed upon Hungary by external coercion nearly 1000 years ago had a
detrimental effect on Hungary's cultural, social, economic, political and demographic
development, as a foreign feudal political and religious elite sought to subjugate and
exploit the Hungarians, relegating them to the slave-like conditions of feudal serfdom,
with Western Christianism as the legitimizing ideology. The nearly ten centuries of
Christian feudal regime saw the continuous decline of the power and wealth of Hungary, a
trend which was interrupted only by a few relatively brief periods of internal peace and
prosperity which proved to be the exception to the general political instability, social
fragmentation, impoverishment and decimation of the population, erosion of the Hungarian
language and culture, and subordination of Hungarian policy-making to foreign interests
which have characterized Hungarian history since the imposition of that regime. The
assertion that the Hungarians had to integrate to the West because otherwise the West
would have annihilated them, and that therefore the Hungarians owe their survival over the
past 1000 years to their adhesion to the West seems to be a misrepresentation of the
facts. Even after the imposition of Western Christianism, which was far from having been
unopposed, rapid and complete, the Hungarians were repeatedly forced to repel armed
aggression from the West - and they were successful in doing so (71). The fact that
Hungary was able to remain a major power for several centuries was less due to its
Christianization and feudalization and more to the factors which had made it a major power
before its Westernization -and the same would seem to apply to Hungary's cultural
achievements for which undue credit has been given to Western cultural influence (72).(Back)
CONCLUSION
It appears therefore that a fundamental revision of early Hungarian history is
necessary in order to arrive at a more accurate picture, and much research work remains to
be done in this field. Based on the available information, it seems most probable that the
Hungarians are a synthesis of the peoples which have settled in the Carpathian Basin since
the Neolithic period up to the Middle Ages: the Sumerian-related peoples of Near-Eastern
origin (Neolithic, Copper and Bronze Ages), followed by the Scythians (6th c. BC), the
Huns (5th c. AD), the Avars (6th c.), the Magyars (9th c.), the Petchenegs (11th c.), and
the Cumans (13th c.). This Hungarian synthesis is characterized by a remarkable
ethno-linguistic homogeneity and has remained highly differentiated from the considerably
more numerous surrounding Indo-European peoples. The conclusion which can be drawn from
this is that the Hungarians were able to preserve their ethno-linguistic identity and to
maintain a demographic majority or critical mass within the Carpathian Basin as a result
of the periodical inflow of ethno-linguistically related peoples. These peoples were
designated in the 19th c. as Turanians, and the Sumerians, Scythians, Huns, Avars and
Magyars were all considered to belong to this ethno-linguistic group.
Presently there are still many misconceptions concerning the Turanian peoples: it is
still widely believed, erroneously, that the Scythians were an Indo-European people, that
the Huns and Avars were Turkic-speaking peoples of Mongolian race or origin, and that the
Magyars were a mixture of Finnic and Turkic elements. These misconceptions originate from
an inaccurate historical perspective which failed to recognize the existence of a distinct
Turanian entity amidst the multi-ethnic conglomerates of the Scythians, Huns, Avars, and
Magyars, whose empires consisted of tribal federations which included various other ethnic
groups: Indo-Europeans, as well as Uralic and Altaic peoples besides the dominant Turanian
elements. It now seems that this Turanian ethno-linguistic group to which the Hungarians
belong was a distinct group from which the Uralic and Altaic ethno-linguistic groups later
evolved through a process of ethno-linguistic diffusion and hybridization. This
explanation of the existing ethno-linguistic affinities between the Hungarians and the
Uralic and Altaic groups would be more in line with the latest findings on this subject.
In light of these findings, it would seem appropriate to re-examine this question
objectively, avoiding the officially imposed ideological biases which have clouded the
issue since the middle of the 19th c. and still continue to do so today.(Back)
NOTES
(1) Endrey Antal, A Magyarság eredete, Magyar Intézet, Melbourne, 1982, p. 14.
(2) Endrey, op. cit., p. 10.
(3) Endrey, op. cit., p. 26.
(4) Endrey, op. cit., p. 32.
(5) Biró József, A Szabirok Östörténete, Buenos Aires, 1986, p.12.
Götz László, Keleten Kél a Nap, Püski, Budapest, 1994, pp. 234, 291.
(6) Érdy Miklós, A Sumír, Ural-Altaji, Magyar rokonság kutatásának története,
Gilgamesh, New York, 1974, p. 36.
Götz, op. cit., p. 700.
(7) Blaskovics József, A Magyarok története, II. Nagy Szittya Történelmi
Világkongresszus, Cleveland, 1988, p. 13.
(8) Endrey, op. cit., p. 41.
(9) Endrey, op. cit., p. 41.
(10) Nagy Sándor, A Magyar nép kialakulásának története, Hidfö, San Francisco,
1987, p. 154.
(11) Götz, op. cit., pp. 56, 246.
(12) Endrey, op. cit., p. 44; Götz, op. cit., pp. 212-213.
(13) Baráth Tibor, The Early Hungarians, Barath Publications, Montreal, 1983, p. 2.
Nagy Sándor, The Forgotten Cradle of the Hungarian Culture, Patria, Toronto, 1973, p.
168.
Érdy, op. cit., p. 118.
Bobula Ida, Origin of the Hungarian Nation, Danubian Press, Astor, Fla., 1982, p. 7.
Endrey Antal, The Origin of Hungarians, Hawthorn Press, Melbourne, 1975, p. 30.
(14) Bobula, op. cit., p. 10.
(15) Baráth Tibor, Tajékoztató az újabb magyar östörténeti kutatásokról,
Montreal, 1973, p. 27.
(16) Götz, op. cit., p. 268.
(17) Götz, op. cit., pp. 379, 398.
(18) Götz, op. cit., pp. 398-399.
(19) Götz, op. cit., p. 407.
(20) Götz, op. cit., pp. 311-312, 385.
(21) Götz, op. cit., pp. 222-223, 370-372.
(22) Götz, op. cit., pp. 406, 452.
(23) Endrey Antal, A Magyarság eredete, Magyar Intézet, Melbourne, 1982, p. 50.
Götz, op. cit., p. 398.
(24) Götz, op. cit., p. 450.
(25) Endrey, op. cit., p. 60.
(26) Götz, op. cit., p. 545.
(27) Érdy, op. cit., pp. 28, 60, 78.
Kramer, S. N., The Sumerians, University of Chicago Press, 1963, p. 306.
(28) Érdy, op. cit., p. 28.
(29) Érdy, op. cit., p. 118.
(30) Érdy, op. cit., p. 170.
(31) Götz, op. cit., p. 379.
(32) Götz, op. cit., pp. 375-379.
(33) Érdy, op. cit., pp. 64-68.
(34) Endrey, op. cit., pp. 78, 84.
(35) Endrey, op. cit., p. 92.
(36) Badiny, F. J., ed., The Sumerian Wonder, School of Oriental Studies, University of
Salvador, Buenos Aires, 1974, pp. 114- 115.
(37) Oláh Béla, Édes magyar nyelvünk szumér eredete, Ösi Gyökér, Buenos Aires,
1980, p. 12.
(38) Götz, op. cit., p. 19.
(39) Götz, op. cit., p. 158.
(40) Paliga, S., "Thracian terms for 'township' and 'fortress', and related
place-names", in: World Archeology, Vol. 19, No. 1, 1986, pp. 26-29.
(41) Haraszti, E., The Ethnic History of Transylvania, Danubian Press, Astor, Fla.,
1971, p. 8.
Baráth Tibor, The Early Hungarians, Barath Publications, Montreal, 1983, p. 127.
(42) Childe, G. V., The Danube in Prehistory, Oxford University Press, London, 1929, p.
205.
(43) Ligeti Lajos, ed., A Magyarság östörténete, Akadémiai Kiadó, Budapest, 1986,
p. 105.
Hóman Bálint, Magyar történet, Maecenas, Budapest, 1990, Vol. 1, pp. 115-117.
(44) Ligeti, op. cit., p. 126.
(45) Padányi Viktor, Dentumagyaria, Editorial Transsylvania, Buenos Aires, 1963, pp.
323-324, 360-361.
(46) Padányi, op. cit., pp. 372-374.
(47) Vágó Pál, A Vérszerzödés ereje, Ösi Gyökér, Buenos Aires, 1976, p. 31.
(48) Pesti József, Két rádió-beszéde, Ösi Gyökér, Buenos Aires, 1980, p. 6.
Vágó, op. cit., p. 31.
(49) Padányi, op. cit., pp. 385-388.
(50) Badiny, F. J., Az Istenes Honfoglalók, Ösi Gyökér, Buenos Aires, 1986, p. 13.
Pesti József, Mit akartok az östörténettel?, Ösi Gyökér, Buenos Aires, 1982, p.
55.
(51) Götz, op. cit., p. 257.
(52) Childe, op. cit., pp. 109, 205.
Baráth, op. cit., pp. 131, 210.
(53) Nagy Sándor, A Magyar nép kialakulásának története, Hidfö, San Francisco,
1987, p. 98.
(54) Dienes István, A Honfoglaló Magyarok, Corvina, Budapest, 1978, pp. 68-72.
(55) Vágó, op. cit., p. 43.
(56) Padányi Viktor, Vérbulcsu, 1955, pp. 25-26.
(57) Vágó, op. cit., p. 40.
(58) Vágó, op. cit., pp. 56-57.
(59) Vágó, op. cit., p. 39.
(60) Vágó, op. cit., p. 66.
(61) Vágó, op. cit., p. 83.
(62) Országh József, Magyar Hit vagy szellemi nyomor, Ösi Gyökér, Buenos Aires,
1977, p. 22.
(63) Országh, op. cit., p. 12.
(64) Dienes, op. cit., p. 1.
(65) Badiny, op. cit., p. 24.
(66) Badiny, op. cit., p. 8.
(67) Badiny, op. cit., p. 8.
(68) Padányi Viktor, Dentumagyaria, Editorial Transsylvania, Buenos Aires, 1963, p.
54.
Badiny, op. cit., p. 11.
Nagy, op. cit., p. 230.
(69) (70) Götz, op. cit., pp. 216-217.
(71) Nagy, op. cit., p. 235.
(72) Országh, op. cit., p. 9.(Back)
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